Making Essential Information Available Again

One of the essential items of the Gramscian menu that now regulates the Brazilian mental diet is information control, which entails the suppression of all facts that could bring harm to the Communist revolutionary project. It took forty years of “occupation of spaces” (a Gramscian technical term) in newspapers editorial departments, publishing houses, and cultural institutions in general to produce this effect, which today can be considered satisfactorily achieved. Inconvenient news, books, and ideas were so effectively removed from the market that the simple possibility that they may actually exist has already disappeared from popular imagination.

If we mention, for example, the Communist aggression that triggered the conflict in Vietnam, nobody knows what we are talking about, because the silly lie that the United States started the war has taken root in public opinion as an unshakable dogma. If we speak of a “revolutionary strategy,” everyone’s eyes fly open, because they are sure that such a thing does not exist. If we allude to plans, already in full swing, to restore in Latin America the empire that has been lost in Communist Eastern Europe, we are immediately labeled as fantasists and paranoids, even though that goal was proclaimed to the four winds by Fidel Castro in the São Paulo Forum.

Of course, all information that could give credibility to our words has been suppressed from the media, bookstores, and ultimately from national memory. Courses on “Revolutionary War”— a subject whose study used to make the Brazilian Army the last stronghold of an alert consciousness against Communist advance—have been abolished even in staff colleges.

Dozens and dozens of books published in the last decade about the new strategies of the Communist revolution have been placed out of reach of the population by an effective cordon sanitaire around the publishing market and cultural media, which today have been almost completely reduced to the status of auxiliary instruments of the leftist strategy of domination. Acting with stealth, getting around direct confrontation, avoiding explicit preaching, that strategy succeeded so completely in dominating people’s minds that many in the news media and cultural milieux repeat slogans without having the slightest idea that they are actually using Communist watchwords.

There are, of course, conscious collaborators. More than conscious: professional collaborators. The Brazilian Central Workers’ Union, the Workers’ Party, the Landless Movement have on their payroll thousands of media communications professionals. It is an army of reporters and editors larger than that of Globo network, Abril publishing house, and of the newspapers Folha de São Paulo and Estado de São Paulo taken together. They suffice to make those leftist organizations the largest journalistic and editorial industries in the country. But the fact is that they do not get paid to write: they get paid not to write. They are paid to “occupy spaces” in newspapers, book, and magazine publishing companies, blocking, by their mere presence, inconvenient words, and spreading, by their everyday conversation alone, convenient ones. Even in this activist elite, few are aware that their function is that of censors and manipulators. Such is the subtlety of Gramscism, which always relies on the effect of that which is implicit and unstated. It is not even necessary to tell these professionals what to do: imbued with the desired beliefs, placed in decisive positions, they will always go in the expected direction, like water down the drain. And all people who simply repeat what they say have no idea of ​​the overall project with which they are collaborating. So automatic and thoughtless is this mechanism that one of the leading experts in manipulation of intellectuals in the Soviet world, Willi Münzenberg, called it “rabbit breeding:” to get it started, you just need to have a couple. The rest comes by virtue of nature. But what has been planted in the newsrooms, with money received from abroad, by the way, was not a couple of rabbits, but rather some thousands of couples. The multiplier effect is irresistible.

Today, it is in the assuredness, in the pompous and arrogant ease with which people who do not know anything about the subject assure us that Communism is a thing of the past while slavishly repeating Communist slogans (being unaware that they are Communist slogans) lies the best guarantee that the plans announced by Fidel Castro in the São Paulo Forum will be conducted with the foolish complicity of millions of quiet and self-satisfied fools.

There is nothing more urgent than making available information that has been suppressed. Only that can restore the possibility of a realistic debate on issues that are now left to be dealt with by the banal imagination of uneducated dilettanti and the consensual engineering of those strategists who manipulate them.

This book is destined to become a memorable milestone in the recovery of this possibility. Here, for the first time, broad enough documentation has been gathered to demonstrate the inescapably conspiratorial, revolutionary, and Communist character of an organization that, in the eyes of the uninformed, still passes off as the embodiment par excellence of a left that is renewed, democratic, and purified of all contamination with the totalitarian past.

The courage, patience, and determination with which its author, Adolpho J. Paula Couto, gathered and arranged all these fulminating pieces of evidence of the leftist perfidy will make him forever target of hatred of the current masters of morals. I think anything more honorable could be said of a good man.

 

Olavo de Carvalho is the President of The Inter-American Institute and Distinguished Senior Fellow in Philosophy, Political Science, and the Humanities.

The opinions published here are those of the writer and are not necessarily endorsed by the Institute. This article was translated from the Portuguese by Alessandro Cota.

 

Hilaire Belloc

Anti-Capitalist Capitalism

When I say that capitalist democracy can hardly survive without a culture of traditional values, many Brazilian classical liberals, crazy about economics and devotees of the magic omnipotence of the market, assume an expression of horror, of scandal, as if they were facing a heresy, an intolerable aberration, an iniquitous and morbid thought that should never occur to a normal member of the human race.

In so doing, they are only showing their complete ignorance about capitalist economic thought. That modest opinion of mine, in fact, is not mine. It only reflects and updates concerns that have been tormenting the great theorists of capitalism since the beginning of the twentieth century.

One of the first to express it was Hillaire Belloc, in his memorable 1913 book, The Servile State, reprinted in 1992 by Liberty Fund. Belloc’s thesis is simple, and the facts have not ceased to bear it out: unleashed from moral, cultural, and religious control, and elevated to a supreme and autonomous dimension of existence, the market economy destroys itself, entering into symbiosis with political power and ending up transforming free labor into servile labor, private property into a temporary concession from a voracious and controlling state.

Tracking the origins of the process, Belloc noted that, ever since the Tudors’ plunder of the Church’s goods, every new attack on religion had been accompanied by one more wave of state attempts upon private property and free labor.

At the time he was writing The Servile State, the two most successful economic formulas embodied that dreadful evolution whose next step would be World War I. The roots of the conflict were most succinctly expressed by Henri Massis (who seems to have never read Belloc). In Défense de l’Occident (1926), he remarked that, in a despiritualized Europe, all mental space available had been filled up by the conflict “between Prussian Statism or Socialism and English anti-statism or capitalism”. Capitalism beat Germany in the battlefield, but was defeated by German ideas in the long run, bending ever more to the demands of statism, chiefly in the following war, when, in order to face Hitler’s National Socialism, it had to yield up everything to Stalin’s International Socialism.

Défense de l’Occident is a forgotten book today, smeared by the slander of charlatans like Arnold Hauser—who goes to the absurdity of classing the author among the protofascists—, but its diagnosis of the origins of the First World War remains unbeatable, having received ample confirmation from the most brilliant contemporary historian alive, Modris Eksteins, in his Rites of Spring: The Great War and the Birth of the Modern Age, published in 1990 by Doubleday (This is not to mention the prophetic accuracy of Massis’ warnings about the oriental invasion of Europe, which I will treat in a future article.) According to Eksteins, the Kaiser’s Germany, founded ona highly nationalized and bureaucratized economy, embodied the modernist rebellion against the free market-based Anglo-French parliamentary democracy. The latter emerged only apparently victorious: the war itself, above winners and losers, shattered the European order and wiped off the map the last remaining vestiges of the traditional culture in the liberal-capitalist scenario.

Another thinker who perfectly understood the conflict between market economy and the spiritless culture that this very same economy fostered more and more after World War I was Joseph Schumpeter. Capitalism, he said in Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy (1942), would be destroyed, although not by the proletariat, as Marx’s prophecy had it, but rather by the capitalists themselves: insensitive to traditional values, they would ultimately let themselves be seduced by the charms of protective statism, the Siamese twin of the new modernist and materialist mentality.

That in the Roosevelt era and in the 1950s the statist proposal was personified by John Maynard Keynes, a refined homosexual bon vivant and protector of communist spies, is an eloquent symbol of the indissoluble union between anti-liberalism in economics and anti-traditionalism in everything else.

In the United States of the 1960’s, this union became patent in the “counterculture” of the youthful masses who substituted the old Protestant ethic of work, moderation, and parsimony for the cult of pleasure—pompously camouflaged as liberation of the mind—, while at the same time assailing, with unheard-of violence, the very same capitalism that furnished them with pleasures and the very same American democracy that secured them the right to enjoy these pleasures as they could never have done in their beloved Cuba, or in the North Vietnam they idolized. But the realm of the market is the realm of fashion: when fashion becomes anti-capitalist, the only idea that ever occurs to capitalists is to make money by selling anti-capitalism. The American culture industry, which in the last half century has probably grown more than any other branch of the economy, is nowadays a headquarters for communist propaganda more virulent than the KGB of the Cold War times. Here, the moral excuse is that the force of economic progress will ultimately absorb the enragés, emptying them little by little of all ideological presumption and transfiguring them into peaceful bourgeois. The individualist and consumerist hedonism that came to take over the American culture from the 1970s onward is the result of this disastrous alchemy, which is all the more disastrous because consumerism itself, instead of producing well-adjusted bourgeois, is a potent lever for revolutionary change, viscerally statist and anti-capitalist: a generation of voracious individualists, of leeches pretty well swollen with rights and insensitive to any moral obligation, is not a guarantee of peace and order, but rather a powder keg ready to explode in a chaotic irruption of impossible demands. By 1976, sociologist Daniel Bell wondered, in The Cultural Contradictions of Capitalism, about the maximal lifespan of a capitalist economy founded on a crazed culture that hated capitalism to the point of demanding from it the fulfillment of all desires, all dreams and all whims, and at the same time of accusing capitalism of all crimes and iniquities. The answer came in 2008 with the financial crisis. The crisis resulted from the organized cynicism of the likes of Alinsky and Obama who consciously, coldly, planned to deplete the resources of the system, promoting, under the protection of the Nanny State, the most impossible ambitions, the most unfulfillable promises, the most extravagant expenses, in order to later blame the disaster on the system itself and prescribe as medicine more expenses, more state protection, more anti-capitalism and more hatred of the American nation.

In 1913, Hillaire Belloc’s previsions could still seem premature. It was legitimate to doubt them, for they were based on nebulous and virtual tendencies. In view of the fait accompli on a worldwide scale, the refusal to see the weakness of capitalism left to itself, without the defenses of traditional culture, is nothing but criminal obstinacy.

Olavo de Carvalho is the President of The Inter-American Institute and Distinguished Senior Fellow in Philosophy, Political Science, and the Humanities.

The opinions published here are those of the writer and are not necessarily endorsed by the Institute. This article was originally published in the Brazilian newspaper Diário do Comércio on May 13, 2009 and translated from the Portuguese by Maria Inês de Carvalho and Alessandro Cota.